1958 State Papers (page 1)

Secret papers show strains on security

DOCUMENTS released this week under the 30 year security rule show that crucial talks were held at Stormont and Westminster In January 1967 to discuss an alleged lack of security co-operation between police forces North and South.

The talks followed an increase in IRA activity and took place at a conference of the Stormont Cabinet and the Unionist Parliamentary Party at Westminster.

On the renewed series of IRA raids, David Campbell MP for South Belfast and leader of the Westminster group, congratulated the Unionist Government on the steps that had been taken to counter the outrages and expressed the desire of the Westminster Unionist MPs to be of all possible assistance.

The Prime Minister, Lord Brookeborough, referred to his recent tour of the border area. He had found that, despite the extremely trying time they had experienced, the loyalist inhabitants, RUC and Special Constabulary, showed ‘a magnificent spirit’.

Cooperation between the police and military had been most satisfactory. He paid tribute to the Westminster Members for their pressure on the UK Government and their intervention at appropriate moments.

The Minister of Homo Affaire, Mr Ken Topping, reviewed the steps which had been taken to prevent pressure on the UK Government’ outrages and apprehend the raiders.
‘While everything possible was being done this side of the border, the key to the situation really lay in the Republic and unfortunately the police where were receiving no cooperation from the Eire police.

“There was an indication that the attitude of the Eire government was stiffening but it was regrettable that they were sill inclined to change men with much less serious crimes than the circumstances warranted.”

The Prime Minister observed that the London Government were unwilling to face up to the question of what pressure they would put upon the Eire Government if the latter failed to take more effective steps to enforce the law.

It might be necessary for the Unionist Ms at Westminster to ‘bring stronger pressure on the UK Government.”

The Northern Ireland Cabinet in 1968 was headed by Lord Brookeborough as Prime Minister and included in addition, Captain Terence O’Neill (Minister Finance, Mr W W B Topping (Minister of Homo Affairs), Major Ivan Neill (Minister of Labour), Mr Morrison May (Minister of Education), Rev Robert Moore (Agriculture), Lord Glentoran (Commerce) and Mr J L Andrews at the Ministry of Health and Local Government.

1968 was marked in the North by the continuation at a fairly high level of the IRA border campaign known as Operation Harvest

Unionists feared South’s trade threat

THE possible creation of a European Free Trade Area, which would include the Republic of Ireland, was a source of acute concern to the Brookeborough Cabinet in 1958, according to files released in Belfast.

In November 1958, the Minister of Commerce, Lord Glen-toran, circulated a memo to his Ministerial colleagues on the likely effects of Southern participation in the projected Free Trade Area on the Northern Ireland economy.

He noted that the Republic was one of four countries seeking special concessionary terms as a condition of entry and expressed the view that such terms, if granted, would have repercussions on the Northern economy.

The aim of the establishment of a Free Trade Area embracing the 18 member countries of the Organisation for European Economic Co-operation was the removal of tariff barriers and restrictions on trade between countries to enable goods to be produced and marketed more economically. It was hoped that tariffs would disappear completely within 12 to 15 years.

The inclusion of the Republic in a Free Trade Area on these terms, wrote Lord Glentoran, would clearly be of benefit to Northern Ireland industry, resulting as it would in the removal of the import duties and other restrictions which at present afforded protection to the Southern manufacturer who was already able to obtain free entry for his goods into the North.

The difficulty was, however, that certain less-developed countries, including the Republic, were seeking special terms including a transitional period in which they might maintain or even increase tariffs. ‘If this occurred, the benefits which Northern Ireland might otherwise expect from the accession of the Republic to the Free Trade Area would be lessened. It would be a considerably long period before any advantage would accrue from a reduction in tariffs.’
Also of concern to Northern Ireland would be any decision by the Republic to impose new or increase existing duties to assist the development of a specific industry.

This could, in theory, provide an inducement for a firm engaged in that industry to transfer from the North to the Republic or, alternatively, for the setting up in the Republic of a new industry which might otherwise have been located in Northern Ireland.

On the political front, the provision of funds by the United Kingdom for industrial development in the Republic as a “less-developed region’ was of some concern to the Northern Ireland Government, the Minister continued. ‘The contribution by the United Kingdom to such funds may well attract unfavourable attention here so long as we are faced with a serious unemployment problem.’

The matter was discussed at a Cabinet meeting in Stormont Castle on December 3,1938. The Minister of Agriculture, Rev Robert Moore, felt that the Republic might well seek to use their favourable position during the proposed interim period to the injury of Northern Ireland.”

The Minister of Home Affairs. Mr Ken Topping, suggested that the United Kingdom Government should be pressed for some counter-concession to Northern Ireland in view of the political and economic repercussions of the assistance to be given to the Republic.

For his part, the Minister of Education. Mr Morris May. took the view that when the interim period came to an end. the Republic would find some excuse for not lowering their tariffs, in the meantime they would have received substantial assistance to which the British Exchequer would have contributed. This would create a difficult political situation in Nor-them Ireland, especially if local unemployment remained high.

The Minister of Finance. Captain Terence O’Neill, said it would be unfortunate if a Conservative Government at Westminster endorsed concessions of the nature proposed but, as the decision did not lie with Northern Ireland, it would be well to make concentrated efforts to ensure that the schemes for assisting local industry were not jeopardised under the Free Trade scheme.

The Minister of Commerce. Lord Glentoran. stated that the special position of Northern Ireland had already been fully discussed with the Board of Trade, who were well aware of the local difficulties which could arise as regards the Republic.

The British Government was pressing the Republic’s claim for special treatment because of the South’s value as an export market for British goods On present intentions, the North would be permitted to retain its schemes for assisting industry during the interim period but her interests would have io be ‘carefully watched’ during any negotiations.

The Minister of Labour and National Insurance, Major Neill, pointed out that at the end of the interim period, the Safeguarding of Employment act — passed by Stormont in 1947 to exclude Southern workers — might be seen as conflicting with the concept of free movement of workers within the area.

Already, in negotiations with European countries on reciprocal social insurance schemes. Northern Ireland had been under pressure, so far resisted, to remove the residence qualification.

Mr Neill referred to a proposed meeting in Belfast to explain to industrialists and others the relationships of the United Kingdom to the Free Trade Area. The Prime Minister, Lord Brookeborough, undertook to suggest to his British counterpart. Mr Macmillan that he might make some reference to the Free Trade issue on his visit to Belfast next March.

‘Princess of Ulster’ title riles London

THE British government in 1958 rejected a Unionist proposal that Princess Anne should be conferred with the title of ‘Princess of Ulster,’ according to the files released by the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland under the 30-year rule.

In November 1958, the Stormont Minister of Home Affairs, Mr Ken Topping informed the Prime Minister Lord Brookeborough, of a suggestion ‘emanating from Whitehead’ that an approach be made to the Queen on the subject. The Prime Minister promised to take ‘some soundings’ on the proposal.

Consequently, on November 13, 1958, A J Kelly, a Stormont official, wrote to the Permanent Secretary at the Home Office in Whitehall on the subject.

He recalled that the Duke of Gloucester had been created Earl of Ulster in 1928 but added: “It is to be noted that at that time Eire was part of Her Majesty’s Dominions and Commonwealth and the objection that ‘Ulster’ covers more territory than the monarch reigns over had less force at that time!

“The current idea.” Kelly went on, “follows a rush of blood to the head on the part of a local councillor in the Whitehead district,” based on the notion that because Prince Charles was to be created Prince of Wales, his sister deserved “a counter-balancing recognition.”

He admitted that “inevitably there will be constitutional considerations of the first importance involved this idea is pursued.” It was not, however, attracting much public notice “outside the confines of the Whitehead local authority
The Stormont letter provoked a blistering reply from Sir Arthur Strutt of the British Home Office.

He wrote: “Whoever made and supported the suggestion could never have studied logic … I have consulted the Secretary of State and he is definitely of the opinion that it ought to be given no encouragement at all.

Princess Anne is not the heir to the throne; she is the daughter of the sovereign and, if precedent is followed, as no doubt it will be. she will be created Princess.

Strutt added that as far as he was aware there was no case in which a sovereign’s daughter had ‘ever been created a pan of the United Kingdom which included Northern Ireland’.

“Although one of the subordinate titles of the Duke of Gloucester is Earl of Ulster, it would obviously be out of the question to confer on the Princess nowadays the title of Princess of Ulster when Northern Ireland, which is popularly known as Ulster, incudes only part of what was the historic province and consists of only six of the nine counties.
The other three are in the territory of a sovereign independent power which is a republic and does not even recognise the Queen as Head of the Commonwealth. That factor alone is sufficient to kill the suggestion.”

The Home Office rejection effectively ended the agitation and on November 27, Lord Brookeborough informed the Minister of Home Affairs, Mr Topping, that in view of Whitehall’s attitude, no encouragement should be given to the idea. But he made no mention of the main argument that Ulster was historically a nine-county entity.

… the files still being kept under wraps

SEVERAL highly controversial files of Northern Ireland cabinet papers, including one on ‘he infamous re-gerrymandering of Derry City in 1936, are to be kept secret for another 20 years.

The files remain closed to the public and several others have had vital papers removed before being released. A number of files from the Departments of Home Affairs
and Education of the Stormont Government have been embargoed for up to /5 years from the last date on the files.

The closed files include several about the troubled history of Northern Ireland during the early years of the state.

Among them is one headed “1921 — Belfast incident involving the Army” and another on civil disturbances in the same
A file dealing with the use of the Special Powers Act during the period 1935-43 is similarly closed for 75 years.

One of the most controversial files in the entire Cabinet archive is a Ministry of Home Affairs one called “1934-36: Londonderry City” which will stay closed un-
These discuss the gerrymandering of Derry city in 1936, a scheme which the then Minister of Home Affairs, Sir Dawson Bates boasted would “keep Derry safe for Unionism for years to come.”

A file dealing with “Protestant Organisations” in 1935 is also withheld.
Several more recent files are also closed, including one from 1953 about “incidents” in Co Derry.

Concern over school grants increase

THE issue of grants to voluntary Schools was discussed by the Brookeborough Cabinet at a meeting on December 3, 1958.

The Minister of Education, Mr May, referred to the possibility that the British Government might decide to increase existing grants to voluntary schools in Great Britain to 15 per cent. As a result, he felt that questions would be posed and agitation raised immediately about the Government’s intentions as regards Northern Ireland.

He proposed, therefore, to say that no increase in the present percentage rate of grant 165 per cent) was contemplated.

The Prime Minister, Lord Brookeborough, cited information from the leader of the Ulster Unionist group, at Westminster, – Sir David Campbell, to the effect that the United Kingdom Government might not go further than the 65 per cent grant available in Northern Ireland.

Britain blocked plan to victimise Republic

AN attempt by the Brookeborough Government in 1958 to treat nationals of the Republic of Ireland less favourably than citizens of other European ‘states was thwarted by the British Home Office, according to the Stormont files.

The focus of the controversy was the Council of Europe Interim Agreement on Social Security, which sought to achieve reciprocity between Council members on the issue of family allowances. Fearing an influx of nationalists from the South, the Brookeborough Cabinet proposed to withdraw the usual three-year residence qualification for continentals but to retain the statutory two-year residence requirement for Irish citizens.

In May 1938, Mr A J Kelly, a Stormont official wrote to his opposite number in the British Home Office, Sir Arthur Strutt, on the question, relaying the views of the Unionist Cabinet. He wrote: ‘Ministers still take the view that the reservation should be restricted in its application to the Irish Republic. They consider that the special circumstances which exist on our border with the Republic, i.e. the complete absence of immigration control across the border and the wide difference in social security schemes on either side, represents a case which, if properly presented to other members of the Council of Europe, would justify our action and dispose of mere discrimination by us against citizens of the Republic.’

He added that in view of their ’wish to treat citizens of continental countries in the same way as they are treated in. Great Britain, we are ready to. offer them a great deal more than the Republican offer, and our Ministers deprecate a step which would make it seem otherwise.’

In his reply of June 17 1938, the Home Office official wrote: “We appreciate the unique circumstances which prevent you according to nationals of the Irish Republic the generous treatment in this respect which you are prepared to accord to nationalist of other European countries.

‘We do not agree however, that there is any way in which this case, however valid, can be presented to the Council of Europe, without consequences which we are most anxious to avoid.’

It was clear, he added, that the Republic’s representatives would protest against the special exclusion of the Irish Republic from the benefits which Northern Ireland was prepared to extend to other members of the Council. The other members would, for their part, ’merely feel regret that the United Kingdom has seen fit to single out one member for special and discriminatory treatment.’

Moreover, added Sir Arthur Strutt, any reference to the’ wide difference in social security schemes. North and South, would be regarded by the Irish representatives as ‘a slight upon the relatively backward position of his country and it is more likely that he would retaliate by claiming that the attitude of Northern Ireland authorities merely exemplified the results of partition.’

On the other band, he suggested a compromise arrangement whereby nationals of the Republic and other European states would be subjected to the same two-year residence period This proposal would ‘excite no comment or question in the Council of Europe at all.

The whole matter was gone into at a Cabinet meeting at Stormont Castle on July 9 1958.

After discussion it was agreed that the compromise suggested by the British authorities should be accepted and the Home Office so informed.

Brookeborough worried by threat of B Specials

THE Brookeborough Government faced political difficulties from the B Specials after the victory of an Independent Unionist candidate in Mid-Ulster in 1956, the Cabinet releases reveal.

The by-election was a sequel to the famous victories of the Sinn Fein candidates Tom Mitchell and Phil Clarke in Mid-Ulster and Fermanagh-South Tyrone in 1955. The two Republicans were subsequently unseated as convicted felons but a further by-election was forced in Mid-Ulster when it became clear that the Unionist who was awarded the seat was ineligible.

On that occasion in May 1956, the Nationalist vote was split while a prominent local Unionist, George Forrest went forward as an Independent Unionist.

Forrest was narrowly elected but his success was the subject of a flurry of activity by Lord Brookeborough (the Prime Minister), the then Minister of Home Affairs. Captain O’Neill and the Duke of Abercorn.
In a cryptic note to Abercorn on June 10. 1956, Brookeborough ref erred to ‘trouble at Strabane with regard to the qualification of Forrest’.

He explained that Terence O’Neill teas ‘having difficulty with some of the S’ Constabulary which would be unfortunate at the present time,’ while Health Minister, Dame Dehra Parker, had ‘incurred a good deal of unpopularity In her area.’ Thirdly, wrote the Prime Minister, ‘politically we are on a “sticky wicket” and If It Is possible to avoid further agitation it would be a help.’

He understood that Forrest was accepting the Unionist whip at Westminster and had been accepted by the Ulster Unionist MPs. 7 put these points to you that you might’ see your way to accepting Mm as the official Unionist candidate’ and thus ‘get the Unionist Pari back on an even keel.’

In [illegible] the Duke of Abercorn agreed with the Prime Minister and expressed the hope that Forrest would shortly be adopted as the official Unionist standard-bearer. ‘On the other hand’, he added, ‘as I told Terence, things could come to a pretty pass if the ‘B’ thought they could dictate policy and “wild boys” get the reins.’